Wednesday, December 27, 2006

Angels of Death

Angels of Death
By: Elf Hmar
http://www.kanglaonline.com/index.php?template=kshow&kid=789

The mocking realities of any events related to Manipur provoke a sense of ironic amusement that raise the question on how lengthy we can go in this manner. The undeniable truth of what remains of Manipur is that it has turned into an amusement park for everybody. The status quo in Manipur today is that which way you look, death stares at you with no room for escape. And that is the Angel of Death, borne out from Manipurs very own womb.


For all its worthy potentials, Manipur has outrageously turned itself into a complete incompetent fool right from the head of the government a laughing stock for anybody who knows a bit of Manipur intrinsic resolved and unresolved issues of which there are tons. Do you ever find yourself amused by that fact on how such a weakling could ever get to become our guardian? The top guy is a puppet of and for anybody. Well, that may be the reason of his existence.


For decades, being what we really aretreacherous lotswe sold out our genuine issues for petty crooked dealings to suck the blood of the land, its people and resources, our so-claimed pride and glory. We continue to live in a fools paradise with our big yellow thirty-twos occupying the full length and breadth of our worn-out faces with false glorification.


Today, taking a look at the precious Manipur, one could see the extent we have digress for none of its worth. We have done a grievous punishable offence to it and stupidly pretend not to take notice of our deeds. True sons of the soil we call ourselves. The truth iswe are but true unworthy and retarded traitorsscums of the soil! I guess, if Manipur were a living woman being, it would cry for days and nights, for breeding such sons and daughters. It would cry in shame and regrets.


Talk of revolution in whatever ideologies, talk of human rights in whichever form of violations, talk of the voices of the people in whatever lingo, talk of anything and face the truth of truths of what, how and why Manipur failed to heal from its dreadful disease. We can only shed tears and cry in pain inconsolably, at our own chopped-off arms.


Do you know why? Do you know the reason? Do you know the root of the disease? Who do you think it is? Its you and me and the society and the people. We failed in our responsibilities to shoulder the responsibility that is entrusted unto us. Manipur will never heal and breathe clean air unless we identify that and blame our very mistakes to hold ourselves responsible for the pitiable situation we dutifully made out of Manipur.


Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA)
This act, even by its name, says it all. The name itself signifies something that is extra-ordinarily entrusted with extra-ordinary power. As we all know by now, with its many antagonists and propagandas, it is that power entrusted upon the state armed forces to enforce human rights abuses legally against those who are not inside the boundary of its enforcement. This is one such act that legally destabilise the core of a country, and as such should be reviewed and abolished in the larger interest of the common people who faced the brunt of its unique power.


At the same time as we opposed such a draconian law of the state forces, we need to comprehend, acknowledge and also voice our concern on the impending powers that the non-state actorssupposedly revolutionary groupshave control of our lives. It is true; in a way that the AFSPA is a total failure as far as fighting the revolutionary groups is concerned. It failed to check the atrocities of the supposedly revolutionary groups acts of terror against the common people.


The act failed to protect the civilians. The protection that it supposed to provide is itself an issue that is also worth focusing. Is it really an act that protects the civilians? Rather than that, it unprotects them instead. If that is so, the viability of the Act is questionable. Was it or was not it, is also the simple question that can be posed to this Act. It also failed in its implementation as a tool for a solution to fight armed rebel groups. It failed miserably and thereby it became an act for terror itself.


It seems the AFSPA issue is also being distracted for those supposedly armed revolutionaries to smile in earnest as it ought to touch the issue of their secession movements. This issue that the general masses should involved themselves first of all is not on when it was passed and put into force. The issue should be in those words and clauses that the Act put together to entrust an overwhelming power to those of its enforcers.


Innocent civilians suffer, and will continue to suffer in the hands of both the official and unofficial armed groups. If that is so, will the repealing of the AFSPA help in reducing the sufferings of the people? It will not.


Unless, the supposedly revolutionary groups repeal their own AFSPA, the people will continue to face the wrath. It is inescapable. How far will these unofficial groups compromise on their increasing impending power, if at all, the AFSPA, is repealed? Will the people become the ultimate power holder? Will not these revolutionaries become the de facto power who can dictate not only our lives but also our social, but also our culture, language, etc? We have faced it. I guess we are not that blind, and we have seen their gun-welding powers. Today we acknowledged their power by the silent culture we profusely obey without blinking an eye. Do we simply ignore that fact and give them more sayings in our lives?


These supposedly armed revolutionary groups dictate the whole of our live today because we give them their chances by our weakness. They decide how we dress, what we read, what we speak and what not to speak, who we elect as our representatives, how much we contribute for their revolutionary causes, what and what not we can eat, and the list goes on.


We are learned on the state atrocities against the people. Do we have the courage to be the same learned ones and recognize the atrocities of these non-state groups who destroy the fabric of our society and people by the power the hold and dictates upon us? Is it not that we are opting to be mute spectators to such a draconian rule?


My perceptive here is that if we dare not question the inhumane actions of these supposedly revolutionary groups now, we will never succeed in our struggle to repeal the AFSPA. It is an impossible and unsustainable venture. The struggle against AFSPA would never succeed if, at one hand, we endorse the atrocities of the non-state groups and shout our lungs out against the state actors while we keep mum on the others act of terror upon our lives. This, itself, is questionable and unacceptable. We will only become the Angels of our own Death.


The killings and torturing of innocent people, raping and molesting of women, planting of IEDs and landmines in public, village and forest frequented by villagers, looting of property, demand notes, stern warning notes, what-to and what-not-to notes, summon notes, etc., will not stop with the repealing of the AFSPA either. This unwritten act of the revolutionaries is unquestionable. Their law is final and there can never be any proceedings, legal or otherwise, against them and their acts. There is no ground for such. Raising a voice or finger against their indisputable actions would mean punishment and death. And as always, caught between the crossfire of both the state as well as non-state armed groups, innocent people like you and me continue to be psychologically and physically threatened, abused and tortured.


The double-standard approach by those who are against AFPSA is questionable. Why go against just one, and not both? Why the silence over the same atrocities perpetuated by non-state actors? It is understandable if this entire struggle against the draconian lawAFPSAis all about empowering the revolutionary groups. If that is the goal that we already set, then so be it. Let us win. And then prepare ourselves for the next stage of the impossible. And it is an open secret that civil society organisations in Manipur are aligned with one or the other such revolutionary groups, one way or the other. Does those aligned questioned the revolutionary groups when the question of human rights abuse committed by the armed non-state actors arises? If that already silenced question fails to be awakened, its a doom for all.


Save Sharmila Propaganda
Irom Chanu Sharmila, who by her sheer power and conviction, has been fasting for six years continuously is really a woman of substance. She is one unique human being, who steadfastly holds the dignity of Manipur by her act to fast unto death unless and until the AFPSA is repealed. One can only be amazed by her as one tries to be in her shoes. I often asked myself, how a person could carry on for so long!? And I would concludeshe is one hell of a human! I know I will not be able to stand even for a day, forced or unforced.


And then there are those by her sides who do not understand her act. Who care not to understand the simple reasons why she is doing what she is doing. These ignorant and arrogant people call and put her deeds as her ownterming it as a Fight of Sharmila against Indias AFPSA. Yet again, we find ourselves as detractors of the main issue. We tend to because we do not understand and because we are some confused cowards and traitors. We give it the nameSave Sharmila Propaganda.


What would she say to that? Would she really want her life to be saved? Has anybody ever asked her? As a human being, of course, like you and me, she would want to live her life in peace and serenity, undisturbed by draconian laws such as the AFSPA. But would she prefer to term the propaganda against the AFSPA, merely as her personal struggle? As I asked that myself, I realize she would never want it to be that that to be. Under that circumstance, the move is a disgrace to her fight against the AFPSA.


This is not her personal fight. Why is it that those besides her put it that way? Its demeaning, and a dirty politics of none other than those who wanted to be recognised in her own struggleto give themselves names to be recognised with by deliberately taking advantage of Sharmila. They are hijackers of genuine issues for personal issues. What shameless filthy lots. They are the silent Angels of Death to the cause and struggle against AFPSA. It is an insult to her and the protest against AFSPA.


The propaganda should never have become Save Sharmila propaganda. It is not about saving Sharmilas life. It is about saving the life of Manipur. Is it that we are concerned only for the life of Sharmila and not of Manipur and its people? This is injustice to the cause of Sharmila and her self-struggle and for all those who are living the life of zombies in Manipur.


Conclusion
The need of Manipur today, not only on the AFSPA issue, is a new form of a collective social reconstruction that challenges to defy and condemn both the atrocities of the state and non-state actors. Unless that is brought about, we indeed do have a bleak future to look forward toa total disorder of state as well as social mechanism, which will ultimately lead to the breaking apart of Manipur. The silence of men give rises to evil. When evil ascent to the throne.
Related Stories

Friday, December 08, 2006

How many days musta woman fast before shes free...

How many days musta woman fast before shes free...
http://www.combatlaw.org/information.php?article_id=835&issue_id=31
Six years of satyagraha. Sharmila continues her fast, in custody, confined to a room in AIIMS, writing poetry, reading books, doing yoga. The struggle against AFSPA continues. In Manipur and in Delhi. Harsh Dobhal follows Irom Sharmila’s resistance in ...

Harsh Dobhal



ew private ward. All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi. As you enter the building, about a dozen policemen and intelligence personnel stop you. After seeking permission from a reluctant inspector, about five suspicious and armed policemen stationed at the door of room number 57 carry on the interrogation and more questions follow.
Inside the room, a frail young woman is lying on her back on the hospital bed in a rather awkward position. She is doing halasan, a plough position of yoga. Her body carefully covered with a blue blanket. Clean complexion, sharp eyes, unkempt hair and a white strip of medical tape around her nose. Che Guevara’s The Motorcycle Diaries is next to her head; she has just finished reading the celebrated book on his young journeys by the legendary revolutionary. “This is a very good exercise for kidneys and to cure diabetes. I do it everyday for few hours.” She talks and continues her yoga. “You can talk; it doesn’t matter if I am doing yoga.”
A voracious reader, she has been relentlessly reading books on Japanese folk tales, yoga, Nelson Mandela, Che, Gandhi. Friends have been coming with gifts, diaries, calendars and she looks forward eagerly to pass these on to other visiting friends, her personal life being intensely sparse, stoic and simple. She liked reading the biography of Nelson Mandela and has now sent it to the central library of Manipur, along with the other books she happens to come across.
Irom Sharmila Chanu, 34, poetess, painter and Gandhian activist from Manipur, has been on fast-unto-death since November 4, 2000, being force-fed through a pipe in her nose. Her categorical demand — repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (AFSPA) which gives draconian powers to the security forces, who have used the Act brutally and repeatedly in the northeast.
Having completed six years of this ‘satyagraha fast’ on November 4, this year, Sharmila has come to symbolise the steadfast scaffolding of the movement against the injustices committed under AFSPA and in support of the protracted struggle for justice, human rights and peace in Manipur and the northeast. An iconic legend in Manipur’s politics, her fast is perhaps the longest political protest of its kind in history and in any part of the world.
Irom Nanda and Irom Sakhi Devi of Kongpal Kongkham village, on the periphery of Imphal, had no idea what was in store for their daughter, the youngest among nine siblings (five brothers and four sisters) and dearest to all, when she was born on March 14, 1972. “I am the youngest daughter born to an illiterate, compassionate and strong mother — we were nine children, my eldest brother died due to an illness. I am not important for this world, just like a worm that can be crushed. I failed my class XII exam. I don’t like speaking too much, but it is inevitable when someone comes to conduct an interview,” she told a friend who has been attending her in hospital. Sharmila never went to college.
On the first day in hospital after regaining little strength, Sharmila said that she did not need assistance to wash her clothes. “This is my work. I must keep my muscles strong. In Manipur, I cleaned the floor of my cell each day.” She has basically remained in custody all these years.
As a 15-day-old child, Sharmila was fed with boiled rice juice as her mother could not breastfeed her. Few days later, brother Singhajit would take her to “other mothers” in the neighbourhood who had recently given birth to babies. “She was fed by many mothers of Manipur. If any woman came to our small grocery shop with a small baby, we would request her to feed Sharmila,” he says. “Perhaps that is why she has grown so socially conscious and politically committed.”
As she grew up and “when I look back now, I realise I had a few different habits as a child. I used to sit in the Shiva temple, close to my house, and talk about regular, everyday things,” says Sharmila.
When doctors at AIIMS insisted that she must seek discharge from the hospital and the police complicated the issue by saying she would not be allowed out, she realised these were nothing but pressure tactics. Anguished that the doctors would ask her to pay the hospital bill, she told a friend: “What do they want from me? I possess nothing, only my organs.” As expected, the hard years of continuous fasting have taken their toll on her health and her fasting is now having a direct impact on her body’s normal functioning. Apart from other medical problems she has developed, her bones have reportedly become brittle. The doctors at AIIMS have not released any medical report on her health.
“I need to keep myself healthy. The force-feeding is completely unnatural.” She walks for about two hours, if given permission, in the hospital corridor with at least one security personnel stationed at each side of the corridor. “I must be strong. I have to fight.” Apart from learning shorthand, Sharmila has also completed a course in yoga and naturopathy.
When she began her fast on November 4, 2000, most people had little inkling of her resolve. Some of them shrugged it off, others took it non-seriously, a handful ridiculed it. But for Sharmila, life had taken a different turn, a tough long-distance journey with a clear destination, a U-turn with no return ticket.
The decision to go on long fast, though well-thought over, was not an action planned well in advance. In fact, Sharmila had joined the anti-AFSPA movement just two weeks before she began fasting. A three-member Indian People’s Inquiry Committee (IPIC) headed by Justice H Suresh had visited Manipur in the second week of October in 2000. The committee travelled to various areas of Manipur and met a number of victims, their relatives and friends, to hear their tales of injustice – cases of rape, violence, killings and disappearances. It held workshops and extensive discussions with human rights lawyers, journalists, academics and others. Sharmila was a part of this process as a volunteer and that was her first political participation and initiation. During the IPIC investigations, she was particularly shaken by the testimony of a young girl who was raped by the security forces at Lamden village. Sharmila and two other women volunteers had privately talked to the girl.
As the IPIC completed its investigations by the third week of October, something had already sparked inside Sharmila’s soul by now. For the next few days, she met with several human rights activists, lawyers and journalists to learn more about repressive laws, army atrocities and AFSPA in particular.
On November 2, 2000, security forces fired at and killed 10 innocent people waiting at a bus stop at Malom, about 15 km from Imphal. That was a Thursday when Sharmila would observe her weekly fast since her childhood. “The same fast continues till date, though she declared it on November 4,” brother Singhajit informs.
Though there was nothing new for the people in Manipur about the Malom massacre as they had witnessed similar cold-blooded killings before when the security forces would go berserk and kill ordinary people, Sharmila could not bear the sight of the blood spilled on the street. That single event changed her life. By now she had already taken a decision. She went to her mother on the evening of November 4 and took her blessings “to do something better for the people”. That was the last time the mother and daughter saw each other. “My mother knows everything about my decision. She is extremely simple, but she has the courage to let me do my bounden duty… My mother has given me her blessings. If I meet her, it may weaken both of us.” Ever since, Sharmila has not combed her hair, not looked into the mirror and not a single drop of water has crossed her mouth. She cleans her teeth with dry cotton.
Armed with her mother’s blessings, Sharmila headed straight to the site of the bloodbath. And thus began her historic, peaceful fast. By November 21, she was arrested on charges of ‘attempt to suicide’. The administration began force-feeding her nasally, confining her to the Jawaharlal Nehru Hospital in Imphal. It has been six years since. Under judicial custody, she has refused to break her fast or seek bail. As is the pattern, on the completion of one year, she is released by the court, as the maximum sentence given to her for ‘attempting suicide’ can’t exceed one year. She is repeatedly rearrested within 2-3 days as she continues her fast without water. And this yearly cycle continues, till date.

An iconic legend, her fast is perhaps the longest political protest of its kind in history in any part of the world. She symbolises the steadfast scaffolding of the movement against injustice

“I was shocked to see the dead bodies. There was no means to stop further violations by the armed forces…. It (fast) is the most effective way because it is based on a spiritual fight… My fast is on behalf of the people of Manipur. This is not a personal battle, it is symbolic. It is a symbol of truth, love and peace,” she says.
This year, on October 3, as she was again released by the court, her brother and a friend kept her away from the media limelight for one night. Next day, dodging media and security personnel, they literally smuggled her out of Manipur. She landed in Delhi the same day, in an attempt to highlight the issue nationally. From the airport, she headed straight to Rajghat to pay homage to Mahatma Gandhi’s . “If Gandhiji were alive today, he would have launched a movement against the AFSPA. My appeal to the citizens of the country is to join the struggle against AFSPA,” Sharmila told journalists. Later that day, Sharmila went to Jantar Mantar and continued her fast with a stream of people coming to express support. Three days later, in a midnight swoop, police picked her up and admitted her in AIIMS.
Sharmila is not alone in her struggle. Women in the northeast have a history of concerted political action, intense resistance and sacrifice, especially the great mothers of Manipur. Sharmila is continuing that legacy, taking it to new heights. The state erupted in flames in 2004, after the brutal rape and murder of a young woman activist, Thangjam Manorama Devi, by the Assam Rifles personnel. The brutal incident triggered an unprecedented form of protest by Manipuri women that shook the nation’s conscience. In an attempt to draw the attention of an insensitive and cold-blooded security and political establishment in Imphal and Delhi, otherwise obsessed with giving its army and police unrestricted powers in the name of national security, Manipuri mothers, for the first time, turned to their bodies to give vent to their resentment. They bared themselves in front of the Assam Rifles headquarters in Imphal and challenged the army to rape them. “Come Indian Army, Rape Us,” said their banner, as they protested, fully naked.
Meanwhile, Sharmila continues her fast, in custody, confined to a room in AIIMS, writing poetry, reading books, doing yoga. The struggle against AFSPA continues. In Manipur and in Delhi. Indomitable, firm and resolute, Sharmila’s clarity is lucid; she is in no mood to turn back. “Unless and until they remove the AFSPA, I shall never stop my fasting.”
In her satyagraha for truth and justice, in her pain and suffering against the violence of the State against its own citizens, this gutsy woman is trying to make a simple point. But will the ‘largest democracy in the world’ ever get this message and act – for the sake of humanity?

Wednesday, December 06, 2006

North East Girl on a 6 year fast unto death to repeal AFSA

शर्मीला ने प्रधानमंत्री का आश्वासन ठुकराया


अनीश अहलूवालिया
बीबीसी संवाददाता, दिल्ली





शर्मीला पक्के इरादे के साथ अपना आँदोलन जारी रखने का ऐलना करती हैं
पिछले छह वर्षों से भूख हड़ताल पर बैठी शर्मीला ने सेना के विशेषाधिकार क़ानून में सुधार करने के प्रधानमंत्री के आश्वासन को ठुकरा दिया है.
प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने हाल ही में मणिपुरवासियों को आश्वासन दिया है कि वो बुनियादी मानवाधिकारों पर तलवार की तरह लटके इस क़ानून में सुधार करेंगे.

इस क़ानून के तहत सेना को किसी भी संदेहास्पद व्यक्ति को गोली मारने का अधिकार प्राप्त है.

हालाँकि 34 वर्षीय शर्मीला ने इस प्रस्ताव को ठुकरा दिया है.


मेरी मांग है कि इस क़ानून को हटाया जाए. उसमें मात्र कुछ सुधार कर देने से सुरक्षाबलों की जवाबदेही में कोई फ़र्क नहीं आएगा


शर्मीला

कहानी दरअसल यह भी नहीं है. सोचने की बात यह है कि शर्मीला के छह वर्षों के लंबे सत्याग्रह को क्या मीडिया ने उचित अहमियत दी है? क्या भारत के पूर्वोत्तर राज्य मुख्यधारा में अपनी माँग रख पाते हैं?

ईरान की नोबेल शांति पुरस्कार विजेता शिरिन एबादी ने ईरोम शर्मीला से मिलने के बाद यह मसला उठाया था.

एम्स के एक वार्ड में लेटी शर्मीला की आवाज़ क्षीण हो चली है. पिछले छह सालों में अधिकांश समय उन्हें सरकारी अस्पतालों में रखा गया है जहां लगातार अनशन कर रही शर्मीला को नाक के ज़रिए जबरदस्ती तरल आहार दिया जाता है.

मगर अपने अनशन को जारी रखने के लिए वो दाँत माँजने के लिए पानी तक का इस्तेमाल नहीं करती और मौका मिलते ही नाक से नली अलग कर देती हैं.

माँग

प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने आश्वासन दिया कि वो स्पेशल पावर्स एक्ट में सुधार लाने की सोच रहे हैं मगर शर्मीला ने यह कहते हुए इसे ठुकरा दिया कि इससे कोई फ़ायदा नहीं होगा.

वो कहती हैं, "मेरी मांग है कि इस क़ानून को हटाया जाए. उसमें मात्र कुछ सुधार कर देने से सुरक्षाबलों की जवाबदेही में कोई फ़र्क नहीं आएगा."


अगर शर्मीला को कुछ हो जाता है तो मणिपुर की राजनीति में भूचाल आ जाएगा. मुख्यमंत्री ही नहीं प्रधानमंत्री की कुर्सी भी ख़तरे में आ सकती है


सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता अनिल क्षेत्रमयुन

शर्मीला ने अपने प्रतिरोध को और कड़ा करने की घोषणा करते हुए कहा है कि अब वो अपने रिश्तेदारों समेत किसी से भी बात नहीं करेंगी.

उनके सत्याग्रह की शुरुआत छह साल पहले हुई थी. दो नवंबर 2000 के दिन दस लोग कथित तौर पर सुरक्षाबलों के हाथों मारे गए थे. उसके दो दिन बाद शर्मीला ने सेना को दिए विशेष अधिकारों को ख़त्म करने की मांग पर भूख हड़ताल शुरु की थी जो आज भी जारी है.

मणिपुर के एक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता ओनिल क्षेत्रमयुन कहते हैं कि शर्मीला मानवाधिकारों के हक़ में चरमपंथी ताकतों के विकल्प के रूप में सामने आई हैं और उन्हे कुछ हो जाता है तो मणिपुर ही नहीं बल्कि केंद्र सरकार पर भी इसका गहरा असर पड़ेगा.

वो कहते हैं, "अगर शर्मीला को कुछ हो जाता है तो मणिपुर की राजनीति में भूचाल आ जाएगा. मुख्यमंत्री ही नहीं प्रधानमंत्री की कुर्सी भी ख़तरे में आ सकती है."

मीडिया की भूमिका

अब सवाल यह उठता है जब मीडिया जेसिका लाल और प्रियदर्शनी मट्टू हत्या के मामलों को एक अभियान की तरह उठा सकता है तो गांधीवादी सिद्धांतों का दामन पकड़े चल रही शर्मीला की आवाज़ नज़रअंदाज़ क्यों हो रही है.


मीडिया की रोजी रोटी मनोरंजन की दुनिया से जुड़ी या उससे प्रभावित ख़बरों से चलती है. लगे रहो मुन्नाभाई का एक बाज़ार था उसमें स्टार वैल्यू थी. लेकिन यह मीडिया के पूर्वाग्रह को भी दर्शाता है. उसे हाशिए पर जीने वाले लोगों और समुदायों में ख़ास रुचि नहीं है


सुधीश पचौरी

शर्मीला से मिलने वालों की लंबी कतार में दिल्ली यूनिवर्सिटी की छात्रा अंकिता आनंद कहती हैं," आम लोगों की तरह मीडिया भी क्षेत्रियता से प्रभावित होता है. दिल्ली में हैं तो प्रियदर्शनी मट्टू और जेसिका लाल हत्याकांड बड़ी कहानियाँ हैं. उन्हें उठाया भी जाना चाहिए मगर शर्मीला की कहानी को नज़रअंदाज़ क्यों किया जाता है?"

लोग एक सवाल और उठाते हैं. लगे रहो मुन्नाभाई जैसी फ़िल्म को लोगों और मीडिया ने यह कह कर हाथों हाथ लिया कि यह गांधी के सिद्धांतों को प्रासंगिक बना रही है लेकिन उन सिद्धांतों पर अमल का इतना कठिन और लंबा रास्ता जिस महिला ने अपनाया है, जिसका शरीर छह सालों के उपोषण में लगातार ढहता गया है उसमें मीडिया की ऐसी रूचि क्यों नहीं.

मीडिया विश्लेषक सुधीश पचौरी कहते हैं, " मीडिया की रोजी रोटी मनोरंजन की दुनिया से जुड़ी या उससे प्रभावित ख़बरों से चलती है. लगे रहो मुन्नाभाई का एक बाज़ार था उसमें स्टार वैल्यू थी. लेकिन यह मीडिया के पूर्वाग्रह को भी दर्शाता है. उसे हाशिए पर जीने वाले लोगों और समुदायों में ख़ास रुचि नहीं है."

मगर सुधीश पचौरी कहते हैं कि एक सूरत में शर्मीला की कहानी राष्ट्रीय पटल पर आ सकती थी. उनका कहना है," यहां मीडिया प्रभावशाली ग़ैर सरकारी संगठनों की सुनता है. अगर शर्मीला के पीछे ऐसा कोई संगठन खड़ा होता तो निश्चित ही वो सुर्ख़ियों में बनी रहतीं."

पक्का विश्वास

ईरोम शर्मीला के समर्थन में उनके वार्ड के बाहर खड़ी असम की कुछ छात्राओं का कहना है कि दरअसल मुख्यधारा की राजनीति में पूर्वोत्तर राज्यों के प्रति उदासीनता का लंबा इतिहास है.


मैं हमेशा आशावादी रही हूँ. ईश्वर पर मेरा पूरा विश्वास है. ईश्वर मेरे हर क़दम को देख रहा है. मेरा संघर्ष न्याय के लिए है. संघर्ष के इस दौर में मेरी समझ दिन ब दिन सुलझती गई है


शर्मीला

किसी को भले ही ऐसा लगे कि उदासीनता की अंधेरी लंबी सुरंग में वेदनादायी सफ़र तय करती शर्मीला की आवाज़ शायद थक रही है लेकिन शर्मीला कहती हैं कि उनका विश्वास पक्का है.

उनका कहना है, "मैं हमेशा आशावादी रही हूँ. ईश्वर पर मेरा पूरा विश्वास है. ईश्वर मेरे हर क़दम को देख रहा है. मेरा संघर्ष न्याय के लिए है. संघर्ष के इस दौर में मेरी समझ दिन-ब-दिन सुलझती गई है."

इन छह सालों के अनशन में शर्मीला अन्न और पानी का स्वाद भी शायद भूल चुकी हैं. कोई नहीं कह सकता कि इसका कितना गहरा असर उनके शरीर पर पड़ा होगा. लेकिन वो कई युवाओं के लिए प्रेरणा का स्रोत हैं और सत्यमेव जयते के सिद्धांत की दुहाई देने वाले प्रशासन के लिए सिरदर्द जिसे ज़िंदा रखना उसकी मजबूरी है.

Sunday, December 03, 2006

Why not to repeal? AFSPA

http://www.greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=4_12_2006&ItemID=5&cat=10
Finally it has dawned on the Government of India that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act or AFSPA is not serving the purpose for which the draconian law was introduced. It is good to hear that it is considering some amendments to be made in the said act as was given out by the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh in Imphal the other day. The draconian AFSPA has lead to more serious problems and complicating issues rather than doing any good to the country. Be it North-East or Jammu & Kashmir, the law has only added to the alienation of the people besides earning a bad name to the institution of Army. As the AFSPA affords sweeping powers to the armed forces its misuse and abuse is but natural. There would have been no necessity of bringing such a law had the government thought of the pitfalls in: first the use of such a harsh law against its own people and second the deploying armed forces to deal with insurgency. Unfortunately the Union Government has been trying to find military solutions to purely political problems which are more of its own creation than anybody else’s doing. The army’s think tank has been consistently counseling against the use of army for fighting insurgency as it exposes the troops to grave risk of losing proficiency and impairing their war preparedness. The deployment of armed forces on internal security assignment has had a disastrous effect on their psychology as is evident from the increasing incidence of fratricides, homicides and suicides. More disastrous consequences of this policy are that hapless unarmed civilians find themselves in open confrontation with the army. Given the situation, violation of human rights by armed forces is but a natural corollary to the policy. An army man trained to defend borders can not be expected to quell a riot or fight unrest in a population. He is apt to abuse and misuse the authority given to him under an act like AFSPA. He feels accountable to none and therefore prone to commit violation of basic rights. Political problems have to be dealt politically not by using force. During last more than fifty six years of insurgency in North-East or the sixteen years of turmoil in Jammu & Kashmir the Government of India has consistently tried to depend more on its armed forces in dealing with the unrest than using political means to resolve the issues. The results are there to be seen by everybody. The need to bridge the widening gap between the civilians and the armed forces has been felt in the top echelons of the army that is why we have civic action programmes like Op Sadbhavna. So far millions of rupees have been spent on such programmes, but, without any substantial results. The gains made in terms of goodwill earned one moment are frittered away only next with a serious violation committed by troops. And then the existence of a draconian law makes the situation more intractable as it offers total immunity to the troops against any legal action for their omissions and commissions committed during their counterinsurgency operations. The AFSPA has done more disservice to the country than helping it to overcome any problem. In Kashmir the act has been grossly misused and most of the human rights violations took place with the extension of the draconian laws to the state. Instead of making amendments in the AFSPA it would be prudent to repeal it as there are more than adequate laws available and in force that are required to deal with insurgency. The GoI would do a bigger service to the country by dispensing with the practice of using armed forces on internal security duties and better try political means to deal with political problems.